Bob Beck's Foreign Policy Blog

This is the seventh and final piece in a series of articles on key foreign policy challenges for the next U.S. president. 

This series of articles, which began in June, has figuratively spanned the globe from Beijing to Lagos to Moscow to Tel Aviv to Mexico City and beyond in an attempt to present some of the key foreign policy challenges that our next commander-in-chief will likely face.  Consequently, it may seem counterintuitive but what follows will focus on home-grown impediments to the next president’s ability to pursue a coherent, over the horizon strategy for America’s place in the world. 

The political polarization that has infected this country like a metastasizing cancer has degraded America’s capacity to pursue bipartisan, common sense foreign policies.  The zero sum nature of our political culture wars is increasingly permeating the international realm as one party’s policy on an issue is viewed by the other party as fodder for political gain, regardless of the wisdom of the original policy.  In short, what is good for one party’s immediate election prospects is much more important than what is good for the United States of America.  Furthermore, this disunity on foreign policy is being weaponized against an unassuming and, sometimes, woefully ill-informed public, by foreign-sponsored, elaborate disinformation campaigns and partisan media outlets. 

The breakdown in bipartisan consensus on the overarching goals of America’s place in the world has come at a cost to our ability to effectively operate on the international chessboard. Over the past three presidential administrations we have witnessed pendulum swings in our policies towards Iran, global climate change efforts, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Russia, and security commitments to South Korea.  Consequently, allies and adversaries alike are losing trust in our word when we enter into an agreement.  For example, why should the Iranians re-enter serious non-proliferation negotiations with Washington if they have legitimate concerns that any accord they sign will be unilaterally abrogated by a future president.  

The difficulty in formulating and pursuing long-term policies is also hampered by the weakening influence of Congress in our foreign affairs as well as systemic limitations in America’s political system.  Regarding the latter, U.S. house members no sooner clear up after their election (usually re-election) victory parties than they start campaigning for the next cycle, less than two years into the future.  Their priorities tend to be short-term, not strategic.  Meanwhile, the senate’s arcane filibuster tradition is often used by obstreperous senators to slow or block nominations to key positions in the foreign policy establishment, merely to make a point on an otherwise unrelated issue.

The dearth of requisite focus in Congress on critical international challenges is exacerbated by America’s main press outlets, which offer biased, mostly simplistic coverage of often deep-seated, complex overseas imbroglios threatening U.S. interests.  In defense of the networks, however, they are guided by the bottom line of the ratings, focusing on easy-to-understand stories that sell. Nevertheless, if more people appreciated the depth and importance of America’s engagement with the wider world they would hopefully show deeper interest in events abroad. 

In another worrying trend, while China starts compulsory English language training in grade three, the United States, according to a worldwide language index study published in 2021, ranked dead last among thirty western countries in language learning. The essential foundation of understanding our friends and foes beyond our borders is language proficiency.  Without it, we risk a future with an atrophied capacity to intelligently predict, manage, and respond to international crises. 

Explaining the criticality of our international relationships calls for leadership, both by the legislative and executive branches. Thus, the new tenant in the White House will be tasked with rallying a somewhat disconnected citizenry, and a rancorous, dangerously divided political establishment to gain support for responsible, long-term policies regarding our key foreign policy challenges in Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and the Global South.  

Here’s wishing the next administration the best of luck in that endeavor.  In closing this series, please vote.

This article was published by the Brattleboro Reformer and the Monadnock Ledger-Transcript during the last week of October 2024.